The Development Of DorothyThe Movie The Wizard Of Oz Opens On A Farm I

The Development of DorothyThe movie "The Wizard of Oz" opens on a farm in Kansas. The lead character is a twelve-year-old girl named Dorothy. Dorothy exists in a world limited by aged beliefs and fears, which make up a great part of her reality. In Kansas, Dorothy is a twelve-year-old girl, with twelve-year-old needs and emotions. I feel that the movie is a device by which we can analyze Dorothy in all states of mind, her conscious, pre-conscious, and unconscious. I believe that Sigmund Freud's principles on the structure of personality and dreaming will aid in understanding Dorothy's growth, wants, and needs. Dorothy in her conscious state struggles to be heard and understood. She is distressed and unable to impart her feelings of upset and fright to an open ear. Her id manifests itself with the desire for immediate gratification, stimulated by her fear that the character Ms. Gulch will destroy Toto. Just as Dorothy is able to explain herself to her nurturing Aunt and Uncle, the Gul ch character enters. Gulch takes Toto from Dorothy, with no remorse, stuffs the dog in a basket, and leaves. Dorothy runs to her room to weep and curls up into a fetal position. The fetal position is her unconscious desire for soothing and belonging. Her weeping is cut short by the return of her dog Toto, who was able to outwit Gulch. Immediately Dorothy begins brewing ideas of running away so as to protect her beloved Toto from danger. Still motivated by id like intuition, Dorothy runs off with Toto. I believe that her id is strong, but is also being checked by ego. Running away is id like, but protecting Toto is ego's ability to keep id in check.A wandering professor interrupts Dorothy's exodus from her farm. Professor Marvel produces feelings of wonder and comfort in Dorothy. She hopes he will be able to save her and Toto from the evil clutches of Ms. Gulch. Marvel sits Dorothy down and attempts to read her fortune in his crystal ball. He brings Dorothy to the realization that ru nning away was not correct, and in doing so she hurt her Auntie. I believe that because she is so young, Dorothy is in need of an external superego to provide her with a proportionate amount of guilt for what she is doing. She realizes that she was wrong and runs home.Dorothy's return home is followed by a storm carrying a tornado. The tornado may signify a residual turmoil in Dorothy's unconscious mind, but dually acts as a conveyance for Dorothy. She returns to her home to find everyone has disappeared into the storm cellar. Frightened by the storm, she returns to her room and cowers on her bed. Dorothy is knocked unconscious by the window shutter as it flies open and hits her in the head. She is launched into a cognitive unconscious state. The tornado spins many familiar faces and things past her window until finally she witnesses Ms. Gulch's transformation from spinster, to the wicked witch of the west. Suddenly all is quiet and back to normal, or so it seems. Dorothy gingerly w alks to the front door and opens it to find the paradise that is Oz. The door opening signifies her complete transition from conscious to unconscious. The twister was the force that awakened her unconsciousness and immersed her in dreamland --Oz. Dorothy emerges from her house to be told, by the good witch of the north Glinda, that the wicked witch of the east has been squashed by the Kansas abode. We are constantly creating and transforming our reality, as a dreamscape and I believe that the death of the evil witch is Dorothy's way of coping with her previous fear of Gulch. The creative potential within the dream actively transforms conflicting material and unresolved feelings, into comforting or understandable images.Dorothy is now confronted with a desire to return home. Before she can relax she is once again introduced to yet another symbol of evil, the Wicked Witch of the west. After threats from the wicked witch, Dorothy is advised by the good witch to ask for the help of the Wizard of Oz. She is told by the locals to

Natufian Period - Hunter-Gatherer Ancestors of the PPN

Natufian Period - Hunter-Gatherer Ancestors of the PPN The Natufian culture is the name given to the sedentary Late Epi-Paleolithic hunter-gatherers living in the Levant region of the near east between about 12,500 and 10,200 years ago. The Natufians foraged for food such as emmer wheat, barley, and almonds, and hunted gazelle, deer, cattle, horse, and wild boar. The direct descendants of the Natufian (known as the pre-pottery Neolithic or PPN) were among the earliest farmers on the planet. Natufian Communities For at least part of the year, Natufian people lived in communities, some quite large, of semi-subterranean houses. These semi-circular one-room structures were excavated partly into the soil and built of stone, wood and perhaps brush roofs. The largest Natufian communities (called base camps) found to date include Jericho, Ain Mallaha, and Wadi Hammeh 27. Smaller, short-range dry season foraging camps may have been part of the settlement pattern, although evidence for them is scarce. The Natufians located their settlements at the boundaries between coastal plains and hill country, to maximize their access to a wide variety of food. They buried their dead in cemeteries, with grave goods including stone bowls and dentalium shell. Some Natufian groups were seasonally mobile, while some sites show evidence of multiple-season occupation, along with long-term reoccupation, long-distance travel, and exchange. Nastasic / Getty Images Natufian Artifacts Artifacts found at Natufian sites include grinding stones, which were used to process seeds, dried meats, and fish for planned meals and to process ochre for likely ritual practices. Flint and bone tools and dentalium shell ornaments are also part of Natufian cultural material. Over 1,000 pierced marine shells have been recovered from Epipaleolithic sites in the Mediterranean and the Red Sea region. Specific tools such as stone sickles created for harvesting various crops are also a hallmark of Natufian assemblages. Large middens (organic rubbish dumps) are known at Natufian sites, located where they were created (rather than recycled and placed in secondary refuse pits). Dealing with refuse is one defining characteristics of the descendants of the Natufians, the Pre-Pottery Neolithic. Grains and Beer Making in the Natufian Some fairly rare evidence suggests that that the Natufian people may have cultivated barley and wheat. The line between horticulture (tending wild stands of crops) and agriculture (planting new specific stands) is a fuzzy one and difficult to discern in the archaeological record. Most scholars believe that moving to agriculture was not a one-time decision, but rather a series of experiments that may well have taken place during the Natufian or other hunter-gatherer subsistence regimes. Researchers Hayden et al. (2013) compiled circumstantial evidence that the Natufians brewed beer and used it in the context of feasting. They argue that production of beverages from fermented barley, wheat, and/or rye may well have been an impetus for early agriculture, for assuring that a ready source of barley was available. Getty Images / Getty Images Natufian Archaeological Sites Natufian sites are located in the Fertile Crescent region of western Asia. Some of the important ones include: Israel: Mt. Carmel, Ain Mallaha (Eynan), Hayonim Cave, Nahal Oren, Rosh Zin, Rosh Horesha, Skhul Cave, Hilazon Tachtit, Kebara Cave, Raqefet CaveJordan: Wadi Hammeh, Wadi Judayid, Kharaneh IV, Jilat 6Syria: Abu HureyraPalestine: JerichoTurkey: Gobekli Tepe Sources This article is part of the About.com guide to the Origins of Agriculture, and part of the Dictionary of Archaeology Bar-Yosef O. 2008. ASIA, WEST: Palaeolithic Cultures. In: Pearsall DM, editor. Encyclopedia of Archaeology. New York: Academic Press. p 865-875. Grosman L, and Munro ND. 2016. A Natufian Ritual Event. Current Anthropology 57(3):311-331. Grosman L, Munro ND, and Belfer-Cohen A. 2008. A 12,000-year-old burial from the southern Levant (Israel) – A case for early Shamanism. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 105(46):17665–17669. Hayden, Brian. What Was Brewing in the Natufian? An Archaeological Assessment of Brewing Technology in the Epipaleolithic. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, Neil Canuel, Jennifer Shanse, Volume 20, Issue 1, SpringerLink, January 31, 2012. Hayden BD. 2008. AGRICULTURE: Social Consequences. In: Pearsall DM, editor. Encyclopedia of Archaeology. New York: Academic Press. p 123-131. Lengyel G, Nadel D, and Bocquentin F. 2013. The Natufian at Raqefet Cave. In: Bar-Yosef O, and Valla FR, editors. Natufian Foragers in the Levant: Terminal Pleistocene Social Changes in Western Asia. Ann Arbor, Michigan: International Monographs in Prehistory. p 478-504. Maher LA, Richter T, Macdonald D, Jones MD, Martin L, and Stock JT. 2012. Twenty Thousand-Year-Old Huts at a Hunter-Gatherer Settlement in Eastern Jordan. PLoS ONE 7(2):e31447. Maher LA, Richter T, and Stock JT. 2012. The Pre-Natufian Epipaleolithic: Long-term Behavioral Trends in the Levant. Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews 21(2):69-81. Maher LA, Stock JT, Finney S, Heywood JJN, Miracle PT, and Banning EB. 2011. A Unique Human-Fox Burial from a Pre-Natufian Cemetery in the Levant (Jordan). PLoS ONE 6(1):e15815. March RJ. 2013. Searching fro the functions of fire structures in Eynan (Mallaha) and their formation processes: a Geochemical approach. In: Bar-Yosef O, and Valla FR, editors. Natufian Foragers in the Levant: Terminal Pleistocene Social Changes in Western Asia. Ann Arbor, Michigan: International Monographs in Prehistory. p 227-283. Nadel D, Danin A, Power RC, Rosen AM, Bocquentin F, Tsatskin A, Rosenberg D, Yeshurun R, Weissbrod L, Rebollo NR et al. 2013. Earliest floral grave lining from 13,700–11,700-y-old Natufian burials at Raqefet Cave, Mt. Carmel, Israel. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 110(29):11774-11778. Rosen AM, and Rivera-Collazo I. 2012. Climate change, adaptive cycles, and the persistence of foraging economies during the late Pleistocene/Holocene transition in the Levant. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109(10):3640-3645. Yeshurun R, Bar-Oz G, Kaufman D, and Weinstein-Evron M. 2013. Domestic refuse maintenance in the Natufian: Faunal evidence from el-Wad terrace, Mount Carmel. In: Bar-Yosef O, and Valla FR, editors. Natufian Foragers in the Levant: Terminal Pleistocene Social Changes in Western Asia. Ann Arbor, Michigan: International Monographs in Prehistory. p 118-138. Yeshurun R, Bar-Oz G, Kaufman D, and Weinstein-Evron M. 2014. Purpose, permanence, and perception of 14,000-year-old architecture: Contextual taphony of food refuse. Current Anthropology 55(5):591-618. Yeshurun R, Bar-Oz G, and Nadel D. 2013. The social role of food in the Natufian cemetery of Raqefet Cave, Mount Carmel, Israel. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32(4):511-526.

Recomendation letter Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Recomendation letter - Essay Example ons, immense attention to details, commitment and apposite ethical behaviors, who cares on the implication of medical practices on the environment and individuals, that are quite germane in the radiological field. He excellently interacts with patients and professionals in the workplace and all those who had the opportunity to associate with him can testify the elation and happiness that he brought to them. Similarly, he undertook an informal leadership role offering help to his co-workers who incessantly sought his support and advice. He proved to be a distinguished problem-solver, a trait that can be put to proper utilization in the MRI field and save many lives. Given the chance to pursue the MRI degree, Nabil will surely blossom to be a reputable professional and an imperative asset to the entire community; his brilliance in the field will not be a shocker to me and anybody who knows him. It is for the aforementioned reasons that I unequivocally and without any hesitation recommend Nabil Kafal for the MRI program at Providence